On the ditransitive construction in Korean

This paper investigates the Korean ditransitive construction consisting of the Goal (IO), a dative-case marked NP -ey(key), and the Theme (DO), an accusative-case marked NP −(l)ul. I propose that [IO-DO] is the underlying order and [DO-IO] is derived by scrambling. I argue that the underlying order is an instantiation of the prepositional locative structure in which the Goal c-commands the Theme. This is a counterexample to Harley's (2002) typological generalization in which the Theme c-commands the Goal in the prepositional locative structure. As a further support for my proposal, I show that Korean has another locative structure in the form of a double subject construction.