Distributivity and specific indefinites

In this paper, I study the interactions between the semantics of specific indefinites and the mechanisms that achieve distributivity. I argue that by assuming i) that specific indefinites can be interpreted as denoting skolemized choice functions, ii) that there are two distributivity operators (one that applies to predicates and one that applies to individual denoting expressions) and iii) that Chomsky’s (1995) extension condition holds, one can account for the distribution of dependent readings for specific indefinites and some of the differences between quantifiers regarding their ability to take “inverse-scope”. I also account for some previously unnoticed differences between implicit variables and pronouns with respect to binding.