Verbal number driven suppletion in Georgian

This paper provides an account of allomorphy in the domain of verbal number in Georgian (Kartvelian). Cross-linguistically, verbal number is often associated with either suppletion, reduplication, or a combination of the two (Veselinova 2006). Georgian has two morphological devices in this domain: stem-suppletion and the preverb 'da-' (Makharoblidze 2018). I argue for three separate but interrelated claims: (i) Georgian exhibits genuine, structurally constrained root suppletion, supporting a late insertion view contra Borer (2014); (ii) Bobaljik & Harley (2017)’s generalization that all intransitive verbs which supplete for number are unaccusatives can be upheld; (iii) a unified analysis for root suppletion and the preverb da- is possible.