English participle allomorphy as inflection classes

Based on English participial allomorphy, Embick (2003) proposes a division of vocabulary insertion into an inner cycle targeting root-attached and an outer cycle targeting all other terminal nodes. However, this division leads to (i) a weakening of the notion of syncretism and (ii) a blurring of structural vs. linear locality. In this paper, I propose an account couched in a slightly extended version of Keine's (2013) variant of Distributed Morphology which makes use of 'accessibility relations' between exponents such that only a subset of all exponents competes for insertion. This has two advantages: on the one hand, it correctly accounts for English participial allomorphy but avoids split insertion and its theoretically problematic implications. On the other hand, it is able to deal with inflection classes that have been notoriously problematic for post-syntactic morphology.