Aspect and verbalising morphology in Polish nominalisations

This paper investigates the contrast between Verbal and Deverbal Nominals in Polish. VNs encode aspectual distinctions and incorporate verbal suffixes, DNs do neither of those things. I argue that Voice and Asp are necessary for the emergence of event and argument structure in derived nominals (van Hout & Roeper 1998, Alexiadou 2009, Borer 2013). The aspectual ambiguity of DNs follows from the absence of the category-defining head v, which blocks telicity/quantity. To derive this result, I develop an analysis of Polish verb stems within Distributed Morphology (DM), involving fusion, the ¬ specification (Siddiqi 2009) and PF crashing