The source of wh-morphology in questions and relative clauses

This paper proposes a solution to three related phenomena: (i) an asymmetry in scopal behavior of wh-phrases in questions and relatives, (ii) a symmetry between resumption (in Czech, Hebrew, and Greek relatives) and wh-relatives (in English), and (iii) a symmetry between gaps (as opposed to resumptives) and that-relatives. I make an explicit proposal concerning the fine-structure of operator DPs and argue that wh-morphology in questions and relatives is indicative of DP-internal quantification.