Non-local binding in Slavic languages and restructuring

Non-local binding of anaphors is one of the most discussed issues in the theory of anaphora. The classical analysis, starting with Pica (1987), connects the variation in the binding possibilities with the type of the anaphor that enters the binding relation. I argue that Czech and Russian exhibit non-local binding of a different origin. Non-local binding in these languages arises because of variation in the architecture of infinitival clauses. More concretely, it is argued that infinitival clauses may lack PRO, and the absence of PRO makes non-local binding possible. This account is compared to the analysis of restructuring elaborated in Wurmbrand (2001).